For years, UDF leader ATUPELE MULUZI has insisted that Malawi needs a ‘Third Revolution’ to break free from poverty. Yet, despite the slogan dominating his political messaging, many Malawians still ask the same question: What exactly is the Third Revolution? In this interview, our contributor EPHRAIM NYONDO presses Muluzi to explain the philosophy, the strategy and the practical roadmap behind the idea—and why Malawians should believe it can succeed where others have failed.
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You have repeatedly said Malawi needs a ‘Third Liberation’. What exactly is it, and why does the country need it now?
Malawi has experienced two great political milestones. The First Liberation came in 1964 with independence. The second came in 1993 with multiparty democracy. Both expanded our political freedoms. But neither delivered broad-based economic prosperity.
After 62 years of independence and 33 years of democracy, millions of Malawians are still trapped in poverty. That raises a fundamental question: Why has political freedom not translated into economic freedom? My answer is simple. We have built a system that rewards access to power more than productivity. Too many people prosper through political connections rather than innovation, enterprise or hard work. That weakens institutions, fuels corruption and discourages investment. The Third Liberation is about changing that system. It is not about replacing one President with another. It is about replacing a politics of privilege with an economy of opportunity.
Malawi has already gone through major transitions. Why is another liberation necessary?
Because the evidence is everywhere. We are poorer than we should be. Our brightest young people are leaving, while many abroad no longer see reasons to return. Governments change. Manifestos change. Policies change. Yet the results barely do. The problem is not a lack of ideas. It is a system that resists reform because too many benefit from the status quo. That resistance slows progress in agriculture, transport, public services and many other sectors. This concern is not new. In my ‘Agenda for Change’, I argued that Malawi needed deep institutional and mindset reforms. The late Dr Saulos Chilima championed similar ideas, as did the late Justin Malewezi. The Third Liberation is about rewarding innovation instead of patronage, production instead of privilege and long-term national development instead of short-term political interests.
You campaigned on the ‘Third Liberation’, but lost the election. Why should Malawians believe it is more than a campaign slogan?
Ideas do not lose because elections are lost. Malawi’s structural problems remain exactly as they were. The Third Liberation is not an election slogan. It is a national conversation about why we have failed to convert political freedom into economic progress. The roadmap is clear: strengthen institutions, professionalise public service, reform the economy, remove barriers to investment and restore accountability. The age of relying on aid is ending. The future belongs to countries that attract investment, expand trade and compete globally. Malawi must position itself for that future.
Critics say you have been part of the political establishment for over two decades. Why should Malawians trust you to lead this change?
Experience is not the same as complicity. Serving in Parliament and Cabinet allowed me to see how government works—and why meaningful reform often fails. I have never been part of those who benefit from preserving the status quo. If anything, my experience convinced me that Malawi’s biggest challenge is the system itself, not simply the individuals running it. The easy option would have been to stay quiet. Instead, I have chosen to challenge a system that has failed generations of Malawians.
If you never become President, what happens to the Third Liberation?
Then the mission continues. The Third Liberation is much bigger than Atupele Muluzi. If it depends on one person, it has already failed. It is a philosophy—a different way of thinking about Malawi’s future. I want it to influence governments, businesses, universities, churches, civil society and young people. If another leader embraces these ideas and delivers them successfully, Malawi wins. That has always been the goal.
A liberation cannot be achieved by politicians alone. What role must ordinary Malawians play?
Every liberation demands something from its people. The First required courage. The Second demanded courage. The Third demands responsibility. We must shift from dependence to enterprise, from entitlement to productivity and from patronage to opportunity. Citizens must hold every leader accountable, reject corruption consistently and defend institutions instead of personalities. No government can transform Malawi if Malawians do not, also, choose to transform Malawi.
If you had five minutes with a struggling family in Nsanje or Chitipa, how would you explain the Third Liberation?
I would tell them it is about giving their children a better future than their own. It is about creating decent jobs so young people no longer survive on handouts or leave Malawi in search of opportunity. It is about farmers earning more because agriculture is modernised, irrigation is expanded, markets work properly and transport costs fall. It is about reliable electricity, better schools, quality healthcare, clean water, good roads and a government that spends public money wisely instead of losing it to corruption. Above all, it is about replacing a system where success depends on political connections with one where it depends on talent, hard work and innovation. That is what the Third Liberation means. It is, ultimately, about restoring hope.
